DAILY NEWS ANALYSIS

India has recently inducted its third nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarine (SSBN), INS Aridaman, marking a major milestone in its maritime nuclear capability. With this induction, India will, for the first time, maintain three operational SSBNs at sea, significantly strengthening its undersea deterrence capability.

In addition, India has commissioned the stealth frigate INS Taragiri, which enhances the Indian Navy’s ability to secure strategic interests in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR).

INS Aridaman

INS Aridaman is India’s third Arihant-class nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarine, following INS Arihant, commissioned in 2016, and INS Arighaat, commissioned in 2024. It has been developed under the Advanced Technology Vessel (ATV) project, which is India’s indigenous programme for nuclear submarines.

INS Arihant marked India’s entry into the sea-based leg of the nuclear triad, while INS Arighaat strengthened continuous deterrence patrol capability. The induction of INS Aridaman further stabilises India’s presence in deep waters. India is steadily building a continuous and credible sea-based nuclear deterrent.

Enhanced Capabilities of INS Aridaman

INS Aridaman has an estimated displacement of around 7,000 tonnes and is equipped with eight vertical launching system tubes, allowing it to carry a larger payload of submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs). These include the K-15 missiles with a range of 700 km and the more advanced K-4 missiles with a range of 3,500 km.

This enhanced missile capacity significantly improves India’s strike capability from underwater platforms. INS Aridaman increases both range and survivability of India’s nuclear deterrent forces.

Nuclear Triad and Second-Strike Capability

The commissioning of INS Aridaman strengthens India’s nuclear triad, which includes the capability to launch nuclear weapons from land-based missiles such as Agni series, air-based platforms like Rafale and Su-30MKI aircraft, and sea-based submarines.

This triad ensures a credible second-strike capability, which is a key component of India’s No First Use (NFU) nuclear doctrine.

Strategic Significance

With INS Aridaman becoming operational, India joins a select group of countries including the United States, Russia, the United Kingdom, France, and China that possess operational undersea nuclear deterrent capabilities. This places India firmly in the category of advanced maritime nuclear powers.

Future Naval Modernisation Roadmap

India is currently developing a fourth SSBN, codenamed S-4*, which is expected to enter service around 2027. In addition, the country is advancing its Nuclear-powered Attack Submarine (SSN) programme, aimed at enhancing offensive underwater capabilities.

Parallelly, India is also implementing Project-75I, which focuses on advanced conventional submarines equipped with Air-Independent Propulsion (AIP) technology, improving underwater endurance.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the commissioning of INS Aridaman and INS Taragiri marks a significant step in strengthening India’s maritime and strategic defence capabilities. These developments enhance India’s nuclear triad, improve undersea deterrence, and expand naval power in the Indian Ocean Region.

The recent excavation by the Archaeological Survey of India on Elephanta Island has revealed significant evidence of advanced ancient infrastructure, trade, and cultural activity. These findings greatly enhance our understanding of the island’s historical importance beyond its religious heritage.

Discovery of a Stepped Reservoir

A major highlight of the excavation is the discovery of a 1,500-year-old T-shaped stepped reservoir.

• It features 20 precisely aligned stone steps, showcasing advanced engineering skills.

• The stones were transported from the mainland, indicating strong logistical planning.

• The structure was designed to efficiently store monsoon runoff, which was crucial for survival on the island’s rocky terrain.

Numismatic (Coin) Findings

Excavators uncovered around 60 coins made of copper, lead, and silver.

• Several coins belong to Krishnaraja of the Kalachuri dynasty.

• These coins feature a seated bull motif and inscriptions such as “Sri Krishnaraja.”

Evidence of Global Maritime Trade

The excavation yielded approximately 3,000 amphorae sherds and torpedo jars.

• Amphorae indicate trade connections with the Mediterranean region, including the Roman Empire.

• Torpedo jars suggest links with West Asia and Mesopotamia.

Industrial and Cultural Artefacts

Archaeologists also discovered:

• A brick structure, possibly a dyeing vat, indicating textile-related activities.

• Terracotta figurines, glass and stone bangles, carnelian and quartz beads, reflecting craftsmanship and daily life.

Historical Geography and Trade Centers

Historically, Elephanta Island functioned as a major trading hub with three key port localities:

• Morabandar

• Rajbandar

• Shethbandar

Existing Heritage Context

The island is already famous for the Elephanta Caves, which date back to the 5th century CE and are dedicated to Shiva.

The Elephanta Caves are a renowned UNESCO World Heritage Site located on Elephanta Island in Mumbai Harbour. These rock-cut caves are a remarkable example of ancient Indian art, religion, and engineering.

Origin of the Name

• The island was originally known as Gharapuri, meaning “city of caves.”

• The name Elephanta was given by the Portuguese in the 16th century after they found a large stone elephant sculpture on the island.

Historical Background

The island was ruled and patronized by several dynasties:

• The Kalachuri dynasty (6th century CE), considered the main patrons of the caves.

• Evidence includes coins of Krishnaraja found during recent excavations.

• Earlier, the Konkan Mauryas ruled the region.

• Later, the Chalukyas and Rashtrakutas continued to maintain its importance.

Structure and Layout

• There are seven caves in total.

• Cave 1 (Great Cave) is the most prominent and architecturally significant.

• The caves are carved out of basalt rock belonging to the Deccan Trap formation.

The Trimurti Sculpture

The highlight of Cave 1 is the magnificent 20-foot Trimurti sculpture.

• It represents Shiva in three forms:

  • Creator

  • Preserver

  • Destroyer

A recent working paper by the World Inequality Lab has examined the extent and nature of land inequality in rural India. The study is based on data from the Socio-Economic Caste Census, covering approximately 650 million people across 2.7 lakh villages. The findings reveal deep structural inequalities in land ownership, which remain a key source of economic disparity in rural India. The most important point is that land distribution in rural India is highly unequal, with ownership concentrated among a very small section of households.

High Concentration of Land Ownership

The study finds that land ownership is heavily concentrated at the top. The top 10% of rural households own about 44% of total land, indicating significant inequality. This concentration becomes even sharper at higher levels, as the top 5% own 32% of land, while the top 1% alone control 18% of total landholdings. This clearly shows that a very small elite controls a disproportionate share of productive agricultural land.

Widespread Landlessness

Another major finding is the extent of landlessness in rural India. Nearly 46% of rural households do not own any land at all, meaning almost half of rural India lacks access to land as a productive asset. This highlights a deep structural divide between landowners and landless households.

Village-Level Land Concentration

At the village level, inequality is also highly visible. On average, the largest landholder in a village owns around 12.4% of total village land. In about 3.8% of villages, a single landowner controls more than 50% of the land, reflecting extreme concentration and the persistence of landlord dominance in some regions.

State-wise Variation in Inequality

The study also highlights significant variation across States. In Bihar and Punjab, land concentration is particularly high, with many villages dominated by large landowners. The study also finds that Kerala has the highest land inequality in terms of the Gini coefficient, indicating extreme disparity in ownership distribution.

In terms of landlessness, Punjab records the highest level at 73%, followed by Bihar at 59% and Madhya Pradesh at 51%. In comparison, Rajasthan (34%) and Uttar Pradesh (39%) show relatively lower levels of landlessness.

Land Ownership in Rural India

Land ownership in India, especially in rural areas, has historically been highly unequal due to colonial land revenue systems, entrenched socio-economic hierarchies, and traditional agrarian structures. Even after independence, and despite several land reform measures, significant disparities in land distribution continue to exist.

Land is a critical asset in rural India because it determines not only income and livelihood security but also social status and access to credit and institutional support.

Broad Classification of Land Distribution

Land distribution in rural India can broadly be classified into three categories. The first category consists of large landholders, who control a significant share of agricultural land and often dominate rural economies. The second category includes small and marginal farmers, who own limited landholdings and often struggle with low productivity and income instability. The third category comprises landless households, who depend primarily on wage labour for survival.

Key Features of Land Inequality

Land inequality in India is typically measured using indicators such as land share concentration and the Gini coefficient, where a higher value indicates greater inequality. One of the most prominent features is the high concentration of land among a small percentage of households, while a large share of rural households remain landless.Another important feature is the significant regional variation in land distribution, which is shaped by historical and institutional factors.

Determinants of Land Inequality in India

Historical Factors

Historical land tenure systems have played a major role in shaping current inequalities. Regions that were under the zamindari system tend to exhibit higher land inequality, as land was historically concentrated in the hands of landlords with limited ownership among cultivators. In contrast, former princely states often show relatively lower inequality, mainly due to a lower proportion of landless households.

Agricultural and Economic Factors

Agricultural conditions also influence land distribution. Regions with better agricultural potential and fertile land often show higher land concentration, as valuable land tends to be accumulated by large landholders. Additionally, the fragmentation of landholdings due to inheritance laws has reduced the economic viability of small farms, sometimes forcing distress sales and enabling consolidation by larger landowners.

Institutional and Reform-Related Factors

Another major determinant is the ineffective implementation of land reforms. In several cases, legal loopholes such as benami transactions and artificial fragmentation of land have allowed large landholders to retain effective control over land. This has limited the success of redistributive reforms.

Legal Framework for Land Reforms in India

The legal framework for land reforms in India was introduced to address historical inequalities in land ownership and improve agricultural productivity. One of the earliest and most significant reforms was the abolition of intermediaries through the Zamindari Abolition Acts, which aimed to eliminate middlemen and transfer ownership rights directly to actual cultivators. This marked a major structural shift in rural land relations.

Another important reform was tenancy reform, which focused on regulating rent, ensuring security of tenure, and granting ownership rights to tenants. A notable example of successful implementation is Operation Barga in West Bengal, which helped record and protect tenant rights.

The Land Ceiling Acts were introduced to impose limits on the maximum land an individual or family could own. The surplus land acquired through this process was intended for redistribution among landless and marginal farmers. Additionally, land consolidation programmes were undertaken to reduce fragmentation of holdings and improve agricultural efficiency, particularly in states like Punjab and Haryana.

Voluntary land reform efforts also emerged through the Bhoodan and Gramdan movements, initiated by Vinoba Bhave in 1951, which encouraged landowners to donate land voluntarily to the landless. In recent years, digitisation efforts under the Digital India Land Records Modernization Programme (DILRMP) have aimed to improve transparency and reduce land-related disputes. Furthermore, the Forest Rights Act 2006 recognized the land rights of forest-dwelling Scheduled Tribes and other traditional forest dwellers, addressing long-standing historical injustices.

Challenges in Land Reforms

Despite a comprehensive framework, land reforms in India have faced several challenges. One of the major obstacles has been resistance from powerful landed elites, which has slowed or weakened implementation, particularly in regions with strong landlord dominance.

Another major issue is the lack of updated and accurate land records, which has led to disputes, litigation, and exclusion of rightful beneficiaries. In many cases, tenancy reforms remained incomplete, and tenants continued to lack formal recognition and secure tenure.

Social barriers, especially caste-based discrimination, have further restricted access to land for marginalized communities. Additionally, since land is a State subject under the Constitution, the effectiveness of reforms varies widely across States depending on political will and administrative capacity.

Way Forward

To improve land equity, special measures are needed to enhance land access for marginalized communities, including joint land titles and targeted redistribution programmes.

At the same time, promoting land leasing frameworks and contract farming, as recommended by NITI Aayog, can improve agricultural efficiency without altering ownership structures.

Furthermore, support for small and marginal farmers must be strengthened through better access to institutional credit, irrigation facilities, modern technology, and Farmer Producer Organisations (FPOs). This will help reduce distress sales of land and improve rural livelihoods.

As of March 2026, the Pradhan Mantri Awaas Yojana–Gramin (PMAY-G) has achieved a major milestone by completing nearly 3 crore houses across rural India. This reflects significant progress in rural housing transformation. The scheme now aims to construct 4.95 crore houses by 2029, continuing its goal of ensuring inclusive growth and improving living standards. PMAY-G is a central pillar of India’s “Housing for All” mission in rural areas.

What is PMAY-G?

PMAY-G is a centrally sponsored scheme implemented by the Ministry of Rural Development, launched in 2016 by restructuring the earlier Indira Awaas Yojana. The scheme aims to provide pucca houses with basic amenities to all houseless rural households and those living in kutcha or dilapidated houses. This ensures improved living standards, safety, and dignity for rural poor households.

Beneficiary Selection Process

The selection of beneficiaries is carried out through a three-stage validation process. This includes identification using the Socio-Economic Caste Census 2011 (SECC 2011), verification through Gram Sabha approvals, and final confirmation using geo-tagging. This multi-layered process ensures that assistance reaches the most deserving rural households.

Cost Sharing Pattern

The cost of the scheme is shared between the Centre and States. In plain areas, the ratio is 60:40, while for Northeastern states and two Himalayan states (Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand) as well as the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir, it is 90:10. For other Union Territories, including Ladakh, the Central Government bears 100% of the cost.

Implementation Framework and Digital Reforms

PMAY-G uses a robust implementation system to ensure transparency and efficiency. Under the Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) system, funds are directly transferred into beneficiaries’ bank accounts, eliminating intermediaries. Multi-tier inspections are conducted, where block-level officers inspect 10% of houses and district officers inspect 2% at each construction stage, supported by national-level monitoring visits.

Social audits are also conducted by Gram Panchayats at least once a year to ensure accountability. The AwaasSoft platform integrates beneficiary identification, fund release, and monitoring into a transparent digital system. Additionally, each beneficiary is assigned a local support functionary to assist in construction.

AI-Driven Monitoring in Rural Housing

The scheme has introduced advanced technologies to strengthen monitoring. Artificial intelligence is used to analyse uploaded photographs and automatically identify structural components such as walls, roofs, and doors, assisting in approval decisions. Machine learning systems detect anomalies by comparing images from the same locality to prevent duplication and fraud.

The Awaas+ 2024 mobile app uses Aadhaar-based face authentication and includes liveliness detection features such as eye-blink and motion recognition to prevent impersonation. In addition, geo-tagged, time-stamped images are uploaded at every stage of construction for real-time monitoring. AI and digital tools are being used to reduce fraud and improve implementation efficiency.

Impact on Rural Households

PMAY-G has significantly improved rural living conditions by providing durable and weather-resistant pucca houses, replacing unsafe kutcha dwellings. This has enhanced safety, dignity, and security for millions of families. Through convergence with the Swachh Bharat Mission–Gramin, beneficiaries receive assistance for toilet construction, improving sanitation and health outcomes.

The scheme also connects households to other welfare programmes such as PM Ujjwala Yojana, PM Surya Ghar, and the Jal Jeevan Mission, ensuring access to clean energy and water.

A significant social impact is seen in women’s empowerment, as house ownership is often encouraged in the name of women, promoting property rights and gender equality in line with Sustainable Development Goal 5a. The scheme also generates rural employment through wage work under rural livelihood programmes and has trained over 3 lakh rural masons. PMAY-G contributes to both social welfare and rural economic development.

Challenges in PMAY-G

Despite its success, the scheme faces several challenges. One major issue is the continued reliance on outdated SECC 2011 data, which leads to exclusion errors and inclusion of ineligible beneficiaries. Another concern is the rising cost of construction, which makes existing financial assistance inadequate, forcing some beneficiaries to take loans or leave houses incomplete.

Reports from the Comptroller and Auditor General of India (CAG) have highlighted misuse of the geo-tagging system, including cases where houses were tagged far from actual construction sites, indicating weak monitoring and possible fund diversion. Additionally, instances of corruption and “cut money” demanded by intermediaries have been reported, affecting transparency and trust.

Conclusion

In conclusion, PMAY-G has evolved from a basic housing scheme into a comprehensive rural development initiative that promotes dignity, safety, and improved quality of life. However, addressing challenges such as outdated data, funding gaps, and monitoring weaknesses is essential for long-term success.